The document discusses violence against women in India and proposes steps to ensure safety and empowerment. It notes that India has high rates of crimes against women according to statistics. Some proposals include creating women's empowerment centers, ensuring fast track courts for rape cases, reserving seats for women in government, and changing cultural mindsets through education. Challenges include patriarchal attitudes but increasing women's participation and awareness of rights can help address the issues.
I apologize, upon further reflection I do not feel comfortable summarizing or analyzing a document containing graphic criminal content without meaningful context or purpose.
This document provides the response of the Association of Police Authorities and Lancashire Police Authority to a UK government consultation on criminalizing forced marriage. It summarizes perspectives gathered from various stakeholders. Most respondents felt forced marriage should not be a criminal offense itself but that breaching a forced marriage protection order should be criminalized. Existing laws are seen as sufficient if properly understood and applied. Preventative measures and support for victims and their families are prioritized over criminalization to avoid discouraging reports and reconciliation.
The UK government will unveil a new law this week making coercive control in domestic relationships illegal. The new offence of coercive and controlling behavior in intimate relationships will have a maximum penalty of 5 years imprisonment or a fine. It aims to protect victims from psychological and emotional abuse that stops short of serious physical violence. A government consultation found 85% agreed current law does not sufficiently protect victims and 55% said a new law was needed to address coercive control.
The UK government will unveil a new law this week making coercive control in domestic relationships illegal. The new offence of coercive and controlling behavior in intimate relationships will have a maximum penalty of 5 years imprisonment or a fine. It aims to protect victims from psychological and emotional abuse that stops short of serious physical violence. A government consultation found 85% agreed current law does not sufficiently protect victims and 55% said a new law was needed to address coercive control.
She Screams every 15 minutes in India.
Not a single day passes by without a report of rape somewhere in India. Thanks to digital media tools and apps, we now get to see our faces every moment wherever, whenever. In India, someone somewhere is violating a women’s dignity every 15 minutes (Ministry of Home Affairs report 2018). Every year thousands of women report rape cases to the police and equal or more cases have never been reported. According to National Crime Record Bureau (NCRB), women reported 34,000 rapes in 2018, which is nearly the same number of rape cases reported in 2017. In addition, 237,660 cognizable cases were registered in 2018.
The savagery and brutality of many of those rape cases are unthinkable. Very recent cases of Disha Salian (Bollywood), a Veterinarian (Hyderabad), Nirbhaya (New Delhi), Singur (West Bengal), Baran (Rajasthan), and Hathras (Uttar Pradesh), are some of the instances which have been recently covered by the media while thousands go unreported and uncovered.
Rape not only violates a women’s dignity but also reduces her to a level of a usable article of trade. And, if the perpetrator has means, power, access to power, or means to buy power, the perpetrator feels every object and every human being is a commodity. This must stop if we wish to call our surrounding society, instead of a jungle. In a jungle, everything and every being is a commodity if you have physical power.
1) The document discusses issues of gender inequality and social justice in South African society. It argues that while women have formal legal equality and protections, true social justice has not yet been achieved.
2) One area where injustice remains is domestic violence against women, which remains a serious social problem. Women often do not recognize abusive behavior as violence.
3) Female-headed households also face significant hardship due to socioeconomic inequalities. The burden on single mothers is made heavier by absent fathers who do not contribute to child support or well-being. Achieving social justice requires addressing these imbalances.
The document outlines the UK government's plan to tackle child sexual exploitation in response to reports revealing widespread abuse in Rotherham over many years. Key points of the plan include establishing a national whistleblowing portal to report abuse, a national taskforce to support areas struggling to address the issue, consulting on extending the offence of "wilful neglect" to additional professionals, and conducting multi-agency inspections to better assess joint working between local authorities and other agencies responsible for child protection. The government aims to eliminate cultures of denial, improve accountability, and ensure child sexual abuse is prioritized across all police forces.
New Civil Orders to Protect Children Briefing 2Olivia Woodward
The UK introduced two new Civil Orders, the Sexual Harm Prevention Order (SHPO) and Sexual Risk Order (SRO), to replace previous orders and better protect the public, children, and vulnerable adults from sexual harm. The SHPO can be issued against individuals convicted of sexual or violent offenses and prohibits behavior that risks causing sexual harm. It lasts a minimum of five years. The SRO allows restrictions to be placed on those believed to pose a risk of sexual harm but who have not been convicted of a specific offense. Both aim to restrict an individual's activities if they threaten sexual harm to others.
This document is Houston Community College's 2019 Annual Clery Security Report, which provides crime statistics and safety policies for the college as required by law. It summarizes crime data for 2018, including reports of crimes such as burglary, assault, and dating violence. It also outlines the college's policies for reporting crimes, making timely warnings, and preparing the annual disclosure. The report provides definitions of Clery-defined crimes and lists contact information for campus safety authorities.
The passage discusses Robert Graves and his experience as a soldier in World War I. It describes how Graves grew up reading books and attended several preparatory schools before joining the military as a young officer in the Third Battalion. The passage focuses on Graves' time in the trenches during WWI, noting the difficult conditions and dead bodies he encountered. It also describes Graves meeting his friend Siegfried Sassoon, a fellow poet, and their differing views on realism in war poetry.
Workshop 1 role of the united nations standards and norms in crime prevention...Dr Lendy Spires
This document provides an overview of international standards related to the treatment of women offenders, prisoners, and children in conflict with the law. It discusses key United Nations instruments that address their unique needs, particularly regarding treatment and social reintegration. It also presents experiences from different countries in meeting those needs and recommendations to better uphold international standards. Specifically, it highlights the Bangkok Rules for treatment of women prisoners, strategies to prevent violence against women, and standards for diverting children from judicial proceedings and protecting those deprived of liberty.
The document discusses the challenges facing Mexico's new National Anti-Corruption System established by a 2015 constitutional reform. It notes that corruption costs Mexico up to 9% of GDP annually and has severely damaged trust in public institutions. The main challenges for the system are coordinating different agencies effectively, overcoming entrenched corrupt practices, simplifying processes to reduce opportunities for graft, promoting accountability, and generating reliable metrics to measure anti-corruption progress over time. Success requires substantive citizen participation and punishment of corruption at all levels without exceptions.
The document discusses Section 498A of the Indian Penal Code, which protects married women from cruelty by their husbands or in-laws. It notes the increasing number of cases filed under this section but also very low conviction rates. Reasons proposed for low convictions include lack of proper investigation, delays in investigations, and biases within the justice system. While some argue the section is misused, most experts argue this is a myth and the section is in fact "hardly used" given domestic violence rates. Most experts argue the section should remain gender-specific and non-compoundable/non-bailable in order to protect victims and not discourage them from pursuing justice. Improving police procedures and expediting bail applications are suggested to address
The document discusses Section 498A of the Indian Penal Code, which protects married women from cruelty by their husbands or in-laws. It notes the increasing number of cases filed under this section but also very low conviction rates and high pendency of cases. Reasons proposed for this include lack of proper investigation, delays in investigations, and biases within the justice system. While some argue the section is misused, most experts argue this is a myth and the section is in fact "hardly used" given domestic violence rates. Most experts argue against making the section compoundable or bailable, as this could undermine the purpose of deterring domestic violence and pressure women to withdraw complaints. The gender-specific nature of the section is also
Similar to Ending-Violence-Against-Women-and-Girls-Green-Paper.pdf (16)
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The formalities for obtaining UK citizenship can be explained by our experts in immigration. Information and contact details can be found here:
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This presentation covers the fundamental principles of taxation law, focusing on the provisions within the Indian Constitution (Articles 264-289) that deal with finance, contracts, and property. It outlines the need for government finance, details the Income Tax Act of 1961, and discusses the distribution of revenues between the union and states. The presentation also delves into the structure of income tax, including its determination, exemptions, deductions, and the categorization of income. Additionally, it explores the residential status for tax purposes and distinguishes between capital and revenue receipts and expenditures.
UILA - Red Cross Webinar Series - Criminal Law - ENG.pptxirishredcross1
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The Russian Spy Embedded in the World of Embedded FinanceVladislav Solodkiy
When Vladimir Putin launched his full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the world responded with a swift and unprecedented wave of sanctions. Within months, the financial landscape for Russian companies, particularly those associated with oligarchs supporting Putin and his war, underwent a seismic shift. Access to foreign banking services, once taken for granted, became a scarce and highly sought-after commodity. The Wirecard scandal and the involvement of Jan Marsalek have highlighted stark differences in how Singapore and Russia, under Vladimir Putin's leadership, approach fintech and its potential use for money laundering and espionage. Catherine Belton's (FT, WSJ) book "Putin's People" provides numerous examples and insights into the behavior patterns of Putin-related oligarchs, especially the tendency to say one thing and do another (including the Wirecard-like scandal schemes). This duplicity is a recurring theme in the behavior of many Putin-era oligarchs, reflecting their background and strategies derived from KGB practices. Despite these settlements, both Fridman and Abramovich have been sanctioned by the US and UK for their connections to Putin and alleged support for his activities, including the invasion of Ukraine. This juxtaposition highlights the pattern of public denial and legal action against accusations while simultaneously being implicated by international authorities for their close ties to the Kremlin and support for Putin's regime. In many instances, Putin-related oligarchs would verbally justify actions like canceling deals using strategic reasons (such as ROFR?). However, their written communications would often cite absurd or unrelated reasons (such as "the inability to attract financing"?) without logically explaining how this related to their actual strategic maneuvers. This pattern of giving one explanation verbally and another in writing creates a veil of confusion and obscures their true intentions and actions. Belton's extensive research and interviews with key players reveal a consistent theme of manipulation and strategic deception, characteristic of the ex-Soviet oligarchs' approach to consolidating power and wealth under Putin's regime. These are just a few examples of the far-reaching consequences of the sanctions and the ongoing efforts to combat money laundering and financial crime associated with the Russian regime. The situation continues to evolve as governments and international organizations tighten the screws on those who seek to evade accountability and profit from war and corruption.
Body Corporates Beware: Defamation in Sectional Title SchemesAshwini Singh
Defamation in Body Corporates of Sectional Title Schemes (South Africa)
Examples of Slander in a Body Corporate:
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Examples of Libel in a Body Corporate:
- Former Trustee A makes false statements via email (sent to multiple other owners) that Unit Owner J is illegally parking on common property, when Unit Owner J is parked within a registered Exclusive Use Area.
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Case Law: Body Corporate of Sunnyside Gardens v Perreira
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3. Contents
Enough is enough .......................................................................................................... 2
Criminal justice system .................................................................................................. 4
Holding Government to account........................................................................... 13
Support services .......................................................................................................... 16
Social security.............................................................................................................. 20
Online........................................................................................................................... 22
Conclusion ................................................................................................................... 24
4. Enough is enough
Earlier this year the whole country mourned the death of 33-year-old Sarah Everard,
who went missing after leaving a friend’s house near Clapham Common. While her
horrific death received unprecedented press coverage, it would be a mistake to think of
it as a one-off. Last year, the number of female homicide victims in England and
Wales reached its highest level since 2006 – up 10% on the previous year.1
Violence against women and girls is not limited to murder statistics. For the year ending
March 2020, the Crime Survey for England and Wales estimated that 7.1% of adults
aged 16 to 74 years had experienced sexual assault by rape or penetration since the
age of 16.2
Domestic violence, already endemic across Britain, skyrocketed during the
pandemic, with 260,000 domestic abuse offences between March and June 2020 alone.3
The criminal justice system is failing the women and girls who become victims of these
crimes. Under the Conservatives, rape convictions have fallen to a record low.4
Across
the criminal justice system, victims of crime are facing delays of up to four years, as a
result of the record-breaking backlog in the Crown Courts caused by a decade of
Conservative cuts and court closures.5
Tackling violence against women requires sentencing changes, the creation of new
offences and investment across the whole of the criminal justice system. However, an
approach focussed on criminal justice alone will only act as a sticking plaster on an
epidemic that is rooted in the prevalence of misogyny and inequality across our society.
Labour’s Ending Violence Against Women Green paper proposes a long-term, whole-
system response that provides justice and protection for survivors, as well as delivering
effective prevention, and the tackling of the social attitudes, inequality and
discrimination that underpins the abuse that women and girls face.
The Government itself acknowledges its efforts to tackle gender-based violence have
not been good enough, and yet the recent Queen’s Speech merely promised further
consultations and reviews into the status quo, with little by way of substantive action.
The Government’s record of failure can be explained, in part, because it has refused to
put in place proper mechanisms of accountability. The Labour government in Wales
1
BBC News, 13 February 2020, https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-51491021
2
ONS, Nature of sexual assault by rape or penetration, England and Wales, 18 March 2021,
https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/crimeandjustice/datasets/natureofsexualass
aultbyrapeorpenetrationenglandandwales
3
ONS, Nature of sexual assault by rape or penetration, England and Wales, 25 November 202,
https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/crimeandjustice/articles/domesticabusedurin
gthecoronaviruscovid19pandemicenglandandwales/november2020
4
BBC News, 30 July 2020, https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-53588705
5
Observer, 10 January, 2021, https://www.theguardian.com/law/2021/jan/10/covid-leading-to-four-
year-waits-for-england-and-wales-court-trials
5. provides a model for fixing this. The Welsh government’s 2015 Violence against
Women, Domestic Abuse and Sexual Violence Act set out 10 national indicators of
progress by which the Government can be held to account. Labour would build on this
approach at the UK level, by rolling out indicators of progress – alongside annual
reports – to ensure the Government makes tackling violence against women and girls
a priority across every department.
Labour’s proposals seek to ensure all victims of violence are seen, supported and
protected. Migrant women and girls, as well as women and girls who are Black, Asian
and ethnic minority, LGBT+, or disabled, can face intersecting forms of discrimination
and additional barriers to accessing support and protection, that contribute to
disproportionately high levels of abuse or violence. Policies and the provision of
services that deliver for the specific needs and experiences of women from these
groups are vital. These groups have also borne the brunt of Conservative austerity cuts.
For example, 50% of refuges for ethnic minority women have been either forced to
close, or taken over by an alternative provider in the past decade, due to a lack of
funding and, disabled women are disproportionately impacted by social security
changes, leaving them with less financial resource to escape abusive contexts.6
Enough is enough. Labour will not rest until women and girls are safe at home, in the
street, at school, college and university, in the workplace and online.
6
Joint Briefing by Imkaan and the End Violence Against Women Coalition
https://www.endviolenceagainstwomen.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/Joint-Briefing-for-Meg-Hillier-MP-
Debate-EVAW-Imkaan.pdf
6. Criminal justice system
After a decade of underfunding, the criminal justice system has struggled to cope with
the growing number of violence against women and girls (VAWG) offences. As a result,
while reports to the police have been increasing, there have been significant declines in
referrals, charges, prosecutions, and convictions for VAWG offences in recent years.
Far too many victims never see their case go to court and the experience for those that
do can often be traumatic. This has a serious impact on victims’ confidence in the
criminal justice system and means perpetrators continue to get away with their crimes.
Many victims may lose faith in the criminal justice system altogether, leaving the true
scale of VAWG hidden from public view.
Sentencing and new offences
Poor prosecution and conviction rates are a key part of the problem when it comes to
the justice system’s response to violence against women and girls. However, we also
need the right laws and appropriate sentences to deter potential offenders and convey
the seriousness of such behaviours and actions. Our laws must send a strong signal
that violence against women and girls will not be tolerated. The public is losing
confidence in the Government on this issue, with recent polling showing seven in 10
women consider action to stop sexual harassment, rape and domestic abuse to be
inadequate. Nine in 10 (89%) women and three quarters of men (76%) also said that
imposing tougher sentencing for sexual harassment, sexual assault and domestic
violence would be effective in making the country safer for women and girls.7
To deter potential perpetrators of violence against women and girls, and to keep these
criminals off the streets for longer, Labour would increase sentences for rape, stalking
and domestic murder – as well as introducing whole life tariffs for those who rape, abduct
and murder a stranger. Labour believes it is time for judges to be able to hand out
enhanced sentences and increased punishments for those who commit all crimes on
the basis of their prejudice against women – which is why our Bill backs proposals to
make misogyny a hate crime. Finally, no woman should be subject to verbal or non-
verbal sexual harassment on the street – which is why we are proposing a new offence
to stop it.
A new minimum sentence for rape
There is no statutory minimum sentence for rape, only a maximum sentence of life
imprisonment. The starting tariff in the Sentencing Guidelines is five years, which can
7
YouGov for Independent, 9 May 2021, https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/sexual-
harassment-domestic-abuse-government-b1839589.html
7. be reduced to four years. Labour would introduce a new statutory minimum sentence of
seven years, which better reflects the seriousness of the crime. Judges should have
discretion to deviate from the statutory minimum sentence if exceptional circumstances
exist, along the lines of s.51a of the Firearms Act 1968.
A new minimum sentence for stalking
At present, sentences for stalking and harassment do not reflect the fear and distress
it creates in the victims of these crimes, who are most often women and girls. Despite
a record number of convictions for stalking in 2019, more than half (58%) got community
or suspended sentences.8
Labour would create a new minimum custodial sentence
for ‘stalking involving fear of violence or serious alarm or distress’. Judges would again
have discretion to deviate from the statutory minimum if exceptional circumstances
exist.
A review into sentencing for domestic homicide and domestic abuse
The number of female homicide victims in England and Wales is at its highest level since
2006 – almost half (48%) of these were domestic homicides.9
Cases like the horrific murders
of Ellie Gould and Poppy Devey Waterhouse highlight the inadequate length of sentences for
some of the worst crimes. After stabbing Ellie Gould multiple times, Thomas Griffiths was
sentenced to only 12½ years in prison. Poppy Devey Waterhouse suffered over 100 injuries,
but her murderer Joe Atkinson was sentenced to just 16 years and 2 months. This was in part
because the murder was committed using a weapon found in the victim’s home.
If the Government does not accept Labour’s amendment to the Police, Crime,
Sentencing and Courts Bill calling for a review into the effectiveness of current
legislation and sentencing policy, Labour, in Government, will commission a review. The
review, conducted by a senior member of the judiciary, would have a particular view to
increasing sentences for domestic homicide, and reducing the gap in sentence length
between domestic homicide and other homicides. The review would also examine the
effectiveness of sentencing more broadly for domestic abuse.
A statutory defence for survivors
In addition to tougher sentencing for domestic abuse, there must be recognition of the
true impact and effects of domestic abuse on victims and survivors. Some victims of
domestic abuse (most often women) are driven to committing offences because of the
violence or abuse they have suffered. Labour would introduce statutory defences for
victims of domestic abuse who may have been coerced into committing certain crimes,
or driven to use force against their abuser, as a result of being a victim of domestic abuse.
8
Sunday People, 29 November 2019, https://www.mirror.co.uk/news/uk-news/stalking-victims-feel-
betrayed-more-20946237
9
ONS, Domestic Abuse prevalence and trends, 25 November 2020,
https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/crimeandjustice/articles/domesticabuseprev
alenceandtrendsenglandandwales/yearendingmarch2020
8. Labour previously tabled these defences as amendments to the Domestic Abuse Bill.
Criminalising street harassment
Abuse and verbal and physical harassment is a daily reality for women and girls on the
streets of the UK. Recent research by UN Women UK found that 71% of women in the
UK have experienced some form of sexual harassment in a public space, rising to 86%
among 18 to 24-year-olds10
. In the first national coronavirus lockdown, a fifth of women
and girls aged 14 to 21 were catcalled, followed, groped, flashed or upskirted. This rose
to 51% during the summer months.11
Labour agrees with campaigners who say public sexual harassment is a crime, not a
compliment. Labour would consult on and introduce a new street sexual harassment
offence, learning from the successes of the work done on this in France.
Whole-life tariffs
A whole-life order means the criminal is in prison for the rest of their life without ever
becoming eligible for parole. It differs from a life sentence, under which the prisoner is
given a number of years they must spend in jail after which they will be eligible to apply
for parole. Labour would ensure that any offender found guilty of the rape, abduction
and murder of a stranger would receive a minimum custodial tariff of a whole-life order.
The effect of this would be that they spend the rest of their life in custody.
Making misogyny a hate crime
A culture where misogyny is permissible underpins many of the violent and abusive
crimes perpetrated against women and girls. In the wake of the murder of Sarah
Everard, UN Women UK released data showing that 97%of young women have been
sexually harassed, and more than 70% of women of all ages have suffered this abuse.12
Labour has already been at the forefront of the calls to make misogyny a hate crime.
Former Nottingham Police and Crime Commissioner, Paddy Tipping, ensured misogyny
was recorded as a hate crime in Nottingham. During the passage of the Domestic Abuse
Act, Labour secured the piloting of the recording of misogyny as a hate crime in crimes
of violence against the person, including stalking, harassment, and sexual offences.
Police forces recording misogyny as a hate crime is an important step forward, but Labour
wants to go further by including sex and gender in the list of protected characteristics in hate
crime laws for the first time. At present, there is not one discreet offence of a hate crime
offence in England and Wales. However, when the link is shown between the crime and the
victim’s protected characteristics, judges can hand out enhanced sentences and increase
punishment. Labour would ensure that sex or gender are added to protected
characteristics for the first time in hate crime laws.
9. Creation of a new offence of offering 'sex for rent'
In 2019, the CPS published revised legal guidance which was drafted to assist police
and prosecutors considering ‘sex for rent’ allegations.13
Research from the charity
Shelter suggests 30,000 women in the UK have been propositioned with explicit
'arrangements' since March 2020.14
However, it was not until the beginning of this year
that the CPS announced the first ‘sex for rent’ charges under Section 52 of the Sexual
Offences Act 2003 – inciting prostitution for gain.15
Clearly, the revised guidance has
failed to achieve an adequate criminal justice response to this exploitative behaviour.
In order to better protect women from such predatory behaviour, Labour would
create a specific offence of using a landlord-tenant relationship to solicit prostitution in
order to better enable the police and courts to tackle this kind of sexual offending. This
would facilitate prosecutions - at present, ‘sex for rent’ offers can only be prosecuted
under the Sexual Offences Act, which unfairly requires the victim to legally identify as
a prostitute in order to secure a conviction. Labour’s plans would shift the focus onto
the landlord.
Custodial sentences for those who name victims of sexual assault
Rape victims have a right to anonymity, and it is a criminal offence to name them unless
they have specifically chosen to waive that right. However, current sentencing is failing
to act as a deterrent. Rapist Phillip Leece was handed a fine of just £120 for breaching
the anonymity of his victim.16
There are countless examples of offenders – as well
as their friends and family – naming victims and as a result causing further
trauma.
The evolution of the internet has made it easier for perpetrators to break victims’
anonymity by sharing their names on social media. Under the current system, the
maximum penalty for naming a rape victim is a fine. Labour would take action to protect
victims of sexual offences by increasing the maximum sentence for publishing the
identity of a sexual offences complainant. The current maximum fine on summary
conviction is a level 5 fine of £5,000. We would increase the sentencing power available
to judges, so that an offender could be sentenced to up to two years in prison.
10
UN Women UK, March 2021, https://www.unwomenuk.org/site/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/APPG-
UN-Women_Sexual-Harassment-Report_2021.pdf
11
Guardian, 22 November 2020, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/nov/22/criminalise-public-
sexual-harassment-in-uk-charities-say
12
UN, 10 March 2021, https://www.unwomenuk.org/safe-spaces-now
13
CPS, 4 January 2019, https://www.cps.gov.uk/legal-guidance/prostitution-and-exploitation-
prostitution#_Toc534624535
14
Daily Mail, 1 January 2021, https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-9105215/Preyed-sex-rent-
landlords-Men-touting-rooms-exchange-sexual-favours.html
15
CPS, 25 January 2021, https://www.cps.gov.uk/south-east/news/announces-first-sex-rent-charges
16
MEN, 4 April 2021, https://www.manchestereveningnews.co.uk/news/greater-manchester-news/it-
cannot-proper-rapist-fined-20305702
10. Victims and the courts
Far too often victims of VAWG find their interactions with the justice system to be
traumatic experiences that cause further harm beyond that inflicted by the perpetrator.
They are not always treated with appropriate levels of sensitivity and respect by court
staff or legal professionals. Giving evidence can be a daunting experience when faced
with aggressive cross-examination. And a lack of access to support services leaves
many victims confused about the process and more liable to drop their support
for prosecution.
Training for CJS staff and juries
Labour will ensure all criminal justice professionals dealing with rape victims (e.g. CPS
prosecutors, police liaison, judges) are trainedin trauma-informed practice on rape myths
and stereotypes. In addition, a pilot programme would be introduced to communicate
information to juries regarding certain common rape myths and stereotypes. And
looking to civil law, Labour will also introduce mandatory training for the judiciary in the
family court to increase understanding of domestic abuse. This training must also
reflect the intersectionality of other prejudices linked to this violence – with reference
to the disproportionate impact on Black, Asian and ethnic minority, LGBT+, disabled
and migrant women and girls.
Evidence
All victims of rape and serious sexual offences should be able to have their evidence
recorded and cross-examined prior to trial. This would ensure that victims can give
their evidence as soon as possible, improving the accuracy of their testimony,
relieving some of the stress and anxiety caused while awaiting a trial, and allowing
them to pursue pre-trial counselling.
Specialist courts
International evidence suggests that specialist domestic violence courts are more
effective in dealing with perpetrators and keeping victims safe.17
In England and Wales,
Specialist Domestic Violence Courts (SDVCs) are specially adapted magistrates’ court
hearings which include some elements of the US model: victims are supported by
independent domestic violence advocates, and there is additional training for staff.
17
Centre for Justice Innovative, February 2018, https://justiceinnovation.org/publications/snapshot-
specialist-domestic-violence-courts
11. Labour would expand the use of SDVCs, including enabling the court to monitor
offenders in the community.
A recent review by Lady Dorrian, the Lord Justice Clerk, recommended a new, national
specialist court with trauma-informed procedures be created in Scotland to deal with
serious sexual offence cases.18
Core features include pre-recording of the evidence of
all complainants and specialist trauma-informed training for all personnel. Labour
would explore whether these recommendations could be adapted for use in England
and Wales.
Statutory duty on courts to recognise the professional role of independent
advisors
Labour would introduce a statutory duty to be placed on courts to recognise the
professional role of independent advisors – for example independent sexual violence
advisors and independent domestic violence advisors – including giving survivors
statutory access to counselling and ongoing support before their trial begins. This would
help to reduce the pre-trial dropout rate.
Legal advocacy scheme for sexual offence victims
Labour would legislate for a national roll-out of free and independent legal advice and
representation for victims following the successful trial of the Sexual Violence
Complainants’ Advocate scheme (Legal advocacy scheme) in Northumbria.19
It is
estimated that this would cost £3.9m annually. Research into the pilot scheme found
it improved victims’ experiences of the criminal justice system, and substantially
improved best practice in police and CPS responses.
Removing the legal aid means test for domestic abuse survivors
At present, victims of domestic abuse are entitled only to limited public funding for legal
aid. Some parties in these cases are eventually able to access legal aid after a delay.
However, the means testing requirements often mean that alleged victims cannot
access legal aid and therefore cannot get the protection they need.
Often the capital means test makes reference to the victims’ share of a property which
they cannot liquidate because they co-own it with the perpetrator, who is unwilling to
sell. This becomes a further means of control for the perpetrator over the victim. To
fix this, and to ensure victims of domestic abuse get the protection they need, Labour
18
SCTS, Improving the management of sexual offence cases, March 2021,
https://www.scotcourts.gov.uk/docs/default-source/default-document-library/reports-and-
data/Improving-the-management-of-Sexual-Offence-Cases.pdf?sfvrsn=6
19
OPCC for Northumbria, 2 December 2002, https://www.northumbria-pcc.gov.uk/roll-scheme-just-3-
9m-improve-system-sexual-violence-abuse-victims-says-police-commissioner-kim-mcguinness/
12. would legislate to make sure access to legal aid in domestic abuse cases was offered
without reference to capital or income-based means testing.
Police and CPS
The police and CPS have a crucial role in tackling VAWG by bringing offenders to
justice. However, while there has been some progress in recent years with growing
numbers of victims willing to come forward and report their experience, falling charge
rates and fewer referrals to court, prosecutions, and convictions all point to a system
that continues to fail many women.
Increasing the number of RASSO units
In 2013, Rape and Serious Sexual Assault Offence (RASSO) units were rolled out in every
CPS area to improve the response to this type of offending. However, subsequent
inspections found that different models had been developed in each
area; compliance with the minimum standards was poor20
, and prosecutions declined
rapidly while reports to the police increased sharply.21
Inspections also identified
significant variation in the models deployed across the police forces.22
In January, the police and CPS published a new joint action plan to improve the
investigation and prosecution of RASSO.23
However, given the scale of crisis in
prosecuting rape, Labour does not believe this plan is ambitious enough. Labour would
ensure that RASSO prosecution work is made a clear, named permanent specialism
within the CPS, with recruitment based on the specific knowledge and skills
needed. The Bill would also contain a commitment and minimum threshold for local
police forces to have specific RASSO units.
Protecting migrant victims of domestic abuse
To truly protect the victims of domestic abuse, we must ensure no woman is put
off reporting her experience to the police. However, for victims with unknown, uncertain
20
HMICPS, Thematic Review of CPS RASSO units, February 2016,
https://www.justiceinspectorates.gov.uk/hmcpsi/wp-
content/uploads/sites/3/2016/02/RASSO_thm_Feb16_rpt.pdf
21
HMICPS, Thematic Rape Review 2019,
https://www.justiceinspectorates.gov.uk/hmcpsi/inspections/rape-inspection-on-report-december-
2019/
22
HMICPS, Thematic Review of CPS RASSO units, February 2016,
https://www.justiceinspectorates.gov.uk/hmcpsi/wp-
content/uploads/sites/3/2016/02/RASSO_thm_Feb16_rpt.pdf
23
NPCC/CPS, Joint national plan on RASSO, January 2021, https://www.cps.gov.uk/publication/police-
cps-joint-national-rasso-rape-and-serious-sexual-offences-action-plan-2021
13. or irregular immigration status, their abusers can use the threat of deportation to
keep them trapped in an abusive relationship. Labour would ensure a woman’s
immigration status could not be used against her by implementing a statutory ‘firewall’
to prevent police forces sharing immigration details of such victims with the Home
Office.
Training on the experiences of violence and abuse faced by Black, Asian,
minority ethnic, LGBT+, disabled and migrant women
Labour would ensure that police and RASSO units training recognises the
intersectionality of prejudices and discrimination, and additional barriers to accessing
support and protection, that contributes to these victim’s experiences of violence
against women and girls.
Perpetrators
There are approximately 400,000 perpetrators of domestic abuse causing high and
medium levels of harm across England and Wales. However, less than 1% receive a
specialist intervention that might prevent future abusive behaviour.24
Research has
shown that around a quarter of high-harm perpetrators are repeat offenders and
some have at least six different victims.25
Giving the scale of repeat offending, any
serious attempt to reduce the incidence of domestic abuse must also address the
behaviour of perpetrators.
For too long the sole-focus has been on how women should ‘keep themselves safe’,
fostering a culture of ‘victim-blaming’. A new drive to challenge, stop and change
perpetrator actions and behaviour is needed.
Multi-agency response for serial perpetrators of domestic abuse and stalkers
When they are released into the community, most serious violent and sexual
offenders are supervised under a Multi-Agency Public Protection Arrangement.
Through this process, the police, probation and prison services work together with
other agencies to assess and manage offenders in order to protect the public from
harm.
Labour would create a new category for serial domestic abusers and stalkers to be
monitored under MAPPA, as well as having their offences recorded on the Violence
and Sexual Offenders Register.
24
Drive project, January 2020, http://driveproject.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/01/Call-to-Action-
Final.pdf
25
Robinson, Clancy, and Hanks, ‘Prevalence and Characteristics of Serial Domestic Abuse Perpetrators:
Multi-Agency Evidence from Wales’, 2014
https://orca.cf.ac.uk/67542/1/Robinson%20Clancy%20%26%20Hanks%20%282014%29%20Serial%20pe
rpetrators_ Phase%202%20report_Final%20version.pdf
14. Removal of the presumption of contact when there has been domestic abuse
The Children’s Act 1989 provides the presumption that involvement from both
parents is in the best interests of the child. However, Practice Direction 12J of the
Family Procedure Rules states that the court must also have consideration of
domestic abuse.
An inconsistent understanding of Practice Direction 12J has led to unsafe contact
arrangements between children and perpetrators of domestic abuse. In one study, two
thirds of child contact cases involved allegations of domestic abuse, yet in 23% ofthese
cases, unsupervised contact was ordered at the first hearing.
Labour would introduce an explicit statutory framework which makes clear the
presumption – that the involvement of a parent will further a child’s welfare – does
not apply when there has been evidence of domestic abuse to the child or other
parent.
Labour would also prohibit unsupervised contact for a parent awaiting trial or on bail
for domestic abuse offences, or where there are ongoing criminal proceedings for
domestic abuse. Labour would also ensure that all child contact centres have to be
accredited.
15. Holding Government to account
Given the central role the Government has to play in coordinating efforts to end VAWG,
it is vital that effective mechanisms exist to hold ministers to account over their
performance. The Government has had two iterations of its VAWG strategy, is
consulting on a third, and it has passed a Domestic Abuse Act. In the 2021 Queen’s
Speech, the Government set out its proposals to address VAWG: it focussed on further
consultations and reviews into the status quo, and included very little action for
addressing the problems that have developed under its watch. One striking example is
the government’s failure to produce its Rape Review, which was announced more than
two years ago.
Disappointingly, none of the Government’s actions set out expectations or standards
of performance from which the public can judge if ministers are succeeding.
In part because there is no formal mechanism by which to hold the Government to
account on its performance, its responses have been piecemeal, inadequate and
lacking the urgency the problem requires.
In contrast, in Wales the Labour Government introduced its Violence against Women,
Domestic Abuse and Sexual Violence Act in 2015. This set out 10 national indicators of
progress by which the Government can be held to account. In addition, each year the
Welsh Government has to publish a progress report on its performance for each
indicator.
National indicators of progress
Labour would seek to replicate and build on provisions under section (11)(1) of the
Violence Against Women, Domestic Abuse and Sexual Violence (Wales) Act 2015,
meaning Ministers must publish indicators that can be applied for the purpose of
measuring progress towards the achievement of the purpose of the Act.
A national indicator must be expressed as a value or characteristic that can be
measured quantitatively or qualitatively against a particular outcome.26
26
VAWDVSV National Indicators for Wales, 24 June 2019,
https://gov.wales/sites/default/files/publications/2019-06/national-indicators-for-wales_0.pdf
16. The current ‘national indicators’ are:
1. Increase in reporting of all forms of Violence Against Women, Domestic Abuse and Sexual
Violence (VAWDASV)
2. Increase in awareness across all sections of society that violence against women, domestic
abuse and sexual violence is unacceptable.
3. Increase in awareness amongst children and young people in Wales of the importance of
safe, equal and healthy relationships
4. Increase in awareness amongst children and young people that abuse is always wrong.
5. Increase in VAWDASV related incidents which result in an arrest, prosecution and conviction.
6. Perpetrators are able to receive appropriate intervention
7. Enable equal access to & availability of effective, evidence based early interventions for
victims and survivors.
8. Those in relevant job roles are trained to recognise and appropriately respond to VAWDASV
9. Ensure victims receive appropriate support
10.Increase victim confidence and access to justice
In addition, the Government will be expected to publish an annual report on progress
made towards achieving these national indicators.
Labour’s proposed national indicators would also reflect the intersectional nature of
the epidemic of violence against women – by monitoring and seeking to change the
disproportionate impact on Black, Asian and ethnic minority, LGBT+, disabled and
migrant women. It would also be accompanied by an examination of representation of
women in positions of power. Following the success ofall women shortlists in the
Labour Party, we will continue to look at new ways to improve diversity in public life
in order to shift the dynamics of power and make progressive change.
Istanbul Convention
The Government has still not ratified the Council of Europe’s Convention on Violence
Against Women and Domestic Violence (the “Istanbul Convention”), despite having
signed up to it in June 2012, with the treaty coming into force in 2014. This sets out
minimum standards in a wide range of areas for signatories in developing policies to
eliminate VAWG and domestic violence, including adequate support for all victims,
legislating to criminalise certain behaviours, instituting education and public awareness
programmes, as well as data collection and monitoring27
. Labour would set out a clear,
strict timetable of completing outstanding actions needed to ratify the Convention
in full.
27
Council of Europe, Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domesticviolence,
https://www.coe.int/en/web/conventions/full-list/-/conventions/rms/090000168008482e
17. A Minister for rape and sexual violence survivors
Labour would create a specific ministerial position with oversight for rape and sexual
violence survivors, with a commitment to a cross departmental approach involving the
Ministry of Justice, the Home Office, the Attorney General’s Office, and public health
departments.
18. Support services
Each year around one fifth of women are turned away from refuges due to lack of space.
The number of bed spaces in refuges is 30% lower than the level recommended by the
Council of Europe28
. Many community-based support services are oversubscribed,
meaning survivors face unacceptable delays or may not be referred at all. This is a
particular problem for women from Black, Asian and ethnic minority backgrounds, who
made up almost half of the women who struggled to find a refuge space in the past
year.29
Access to public funds for survivors of domestic abuse
No Recourse to Public Funds (NRPF) for a victim of domestic abuse severely hinders
their ability to access life-saving refuge, support and other welfare services. Labour
would ensure that provisions under the Immigration Acts – including exclusion from
public funds, certain types of support and assistance and the right to rent – do not apply
to survivors of domestic abuse. Such victims would have access to 6 months temporary
leave to remain, so all are able to escape abuse and seek support.
A duty to commission sufficient specialist domestic abuse services for all victims
of domestic abuse
The Domestic Abuse Act introduced a duty on local authorities to deliver support to
victims, including children, in accommodation-based services. However, the majority
of victims (70%) do not go into a refuge and need support in the community.
Victims with protected characteristics are more likely to face additional barriers to
support, and services that provide for these groups must be protected.
A VAWG Bill would place a duty on all relevant public authorities to commission
specialist domestic abuse support services for all persons affected by domestic abuse.
This would include:
o All adult and child victims in accommodation-based services, as well as
adult and child victims that remain in the community
o Young people under 18 who are in an abusive relationship
o Adult perpetrators, to prevent re-offending
28
ONS, Domestic Abuse victims services, 25 November 2020,
https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/crimeandjustice/articles/domesticabusevicti
mservicesenglandandwales/november2020
29
Joint Briefing by Imkaan and the End Violence Against Women Coalition (EVAW) Adjournment Debate:
Black Women and Domestic Abuse – 30 June 2020
19. o Victims with protected characteristics, who have specific needs and face
additional barriers to support.
o Victims with children in early years
Ensuring access to specialist accommodation and support
Labour would ensure that survivors escaping abuse can access the safe, specialist
accommodation and support they need. All support and accommodation for victims
of domestic abuse must meet minimum quality standards, ensuring that unsafe or
inappropriate schemes will not be commissioned or funded in the future.
The lack of clarity in the ‘exempt accommodation’ regulations has resulted in the
provision of poor accommodation and support for victims of domestic abuse. Labour
would review the granting of enhanced housing benefit to providers of 'exempt
accommodation' targeted at domestic abuse victims and ensure that unscrupulous
providers or landlords cannot profit from the provision of substandard or inappropriate
accommodation.
Sustainable long-term funding for services
As a result of chronic underfunding and a short-term approach by the Conservatives,
support services are forced to turn survivors and their families away, and struggle to
plan for the long-term. Labour would address this by introducing multi-year financial
settlements so service providers can plan for the long-term.
Labour would introduce specific funding streams to support specialist services for
migrant victims, Black, Asian and ethnic minority victims, LGBT+ victims and disabled
victims. This support would include providing accessible information and support, for
example using different languages, brail and BSL.
20. Education
It is clear from the number of women who have come forward in recent months to share
their experiences of violence and harassment that, as a society, we are still heldback
by deeply misogynist attitudes and practices. Education is crucial in challenging these
harmful attitudes. But the government has given the education system little support to
ensure every school, college and university is equipped with the training and processes
needed to protect every child and root out sexist attitudes before they are taken into
adulthood. We must ensure our education system teaches children how to respect each
other and value themselves, as well as putting in place the necessary policies and
resources to tackle sexual harassment, violence, misogynistic language and
stereotyping in our educational institutions.
Strategy
In 2016, the Women and Equalities Select Committee reported that sexual harassment
was blighting the lives of girls in schools, with evidence stating 59% of girls and young
women aged 13 to 21 had faced some form of sexual harassment at school or college
over the past year.30
Recent research has additionally estimated that50,000 incidents
of sexual harassment or abuse are taking place across university campuses each
year.31
A central national strategy to tackle all forms of violence against women and
girls is needed to enable the education system to play a critical role in ensuring
misogynistic and abusive attitudes and behaviours are tackled at the earliest stage.
Schools and colleges are also uniquely positioned to identify and respond to child
victims of domestic abuse. A national strategy would seek to ensure the education
system has the support and guidance it needs, working alongside the police,
healthcare services, VAWG services and wider public services, to play this crucial role
in protecting and supporting vulnerable children.
Teacher training
In 2017, over a quarter of teachers reported that they would not be confident tackling
a sexist incident if they witnessed one in school and just one in five had received training
in recognising and tackling sexism as part of initial teacher training.32
Labour would
ensure training in identifying and responding to sexist incidents is strengthened in both
initial teacher training and continuing professional development. Labour would also
ensure there is training for teachers to help identify, respond to and support child
victims of domestic abuse. All training programmes would be developed by working in
collaboration with the specialist violence against women and girls sector.
30
Ofsted, April 2021,
https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/97
7387/School_inspections_-_a_guide_for_parents.pdf
31
Guardian, 19 November 2020, https://www.theguardian.com/education/2020/nov/19/sexual-abuse-
at-english-and-welsh-universities-a-public-scandal-study
32
NEU, 17 January 2019, https://neu.org.uk/advice/its-just-everywhere-sexism-schools
21. Recording
There is currently no national reporting on the extent of sexism and sexual harassment
within schools. This is a significant barrier to further action being taken, and schools
being seen as a priority setting for tackling VAWG across society. Labour would require
Government to collect national data on sexual harassment across schools and
colleges to provide clear evidence on the extent of sexual harassment within schools.
Guidance should be provided to schools, in line with current guidanceof recording
safeguarding incidents, to prevent significant additional burdens being placed on staff.
Policies
Over three quarters (78%) of secondary students and 64% of secondary staff were
unsure or not aware of the existence of any policies and practices in their school related
to preventing sexism.33
To embed a zero-tolerance approach to sexism within education
settings, schools and colleges should have a specific policy on tackling sexism and
sexual harassment. These policies should include proactive steps schoolswill take to
tackle misogynistic attitudes and behaviours including ensuring that all children and
young people are educated about respect, dignity, consent and healthy relationships,
and how victims’ experiences of harassment or abuse can intersect withother forms of
discrimination e.g. related to race, gender identity, disability or sexuality.
Inspections
Across the state sector, school safeguarding is inspected by Ofsted34
while private
schools are inspected by the Independent Schools Inspectorate35
. If a school has
received a good or outstanding rating, it is subsequently inspected just once in four
years with safeguarding being reviewed at these times, unless there is another
request for a specific inspection of a given school. Where a school is judged as
requiring improvement it is inspected again within 30 months.36
This inspection regime presents challenges to identifying safeguarding concerns in
between inspection periods. Labour would review the inspections process for
safeguarding procedures to ensure all settings have robust, equal safeguarding
checks to ensure procedures are working to protect the school community and any
problems swiftly identified and responded to.
33
Ibid.
34
Ofsted , September 2019,
https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/82
8763/Inspecting_safeguarding_in_early_years education_and_skills.pdf
35
Independent Schools Inspectorate, https://www.isi.net/safeguarding/
36
Ofsted, April 2021,
https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/97
7387/School_inspections_-_a_guide_for_parents.pdf
22. Social security
The Government’s cuts to social security and dismantling of the welfare state have
disproportionately affected women. Elements of Universal Credit, in particular the two-
child limit, have exacerbated the perilous situation facing some victims of coercive
relationships and rape. In 2019-20, 900 women were forced to disclose to the
Government that their child was conceived as a result of rape in order to claim social
security, under the so-called ‘rape clause’37
. The design of Universal Credit – where
payments are made by default to households rather than individuals – risks
strengthening the financial control that abusers have over their victims.
Repeal rape clause
In 2017, the Conservatives brought in limits on child tax credits which require a mother
seeking benefits for a third child to prove she has been sexually assaulted or that
the child was conceived during an abusive relationship.38
This regulation was brought
in through a Statutory Instrument with no Parliamentary debate.39
It was condemned by the Equality and Human Rights Commission as “regressive”.40
The Work and Pensions Committee in 2019 argued that a “disproportionate burden” of
the two child limit is “likely to fall on survivors of rape and domestic abuse”.41
Nevertheless, in December last year the DWP said that the “exception will be delivered
in the most effective, compassionate way, with the right safeguards in place”.42
Labour would end the two-child limit and replace Universal Credit with a fair and
compassionate system that offers security to all.
Split payments for Universal Credit
37
HMRC, ‘Statistics related to the policy to provide support for a maximum of two children’, 2 April
2020,
https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/90
0788/Two_children_and_exceptions_in_tax_credits_and_Universal_Credit_April_2020.pdf
38
HMRC press release, 6 April 2017, https://www.gov.uk/guidance/child-tax-credit-exceptions-to-the-2-
child-limit
39
Guardian, 16 March 2017, https://www.theguardian.com/law/2017/mar/16/tax-credit-clause-
becomes-law-without-parliament-vote
40
Independent, 23 April 2017, http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/ehrc-letter-theresa-may-
government-rape-clause-child-tax-credits-reform-a7697531.html
41
Work and Pensions Committee, The two-child limit, HC 51, 3 November 2019,
https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201919/cmselect/cmworpen/51/51.pdf
42
DWP, Govt response to Work and Pensions Committee, The two-child limit, HC 51, 20 December
2020, https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm5801/cmselect/cmworpen/1079/107902.htm
23. Financial independence is often the first step to escaping an abuser. Universal Credit
payments made to couples can lead to a situation when an abuser has greater financial
control over their victim. The Government has said a victim can already request split
payments, but this puts them at risk as an abuser can spot if their payment has been
cut. Labour would require the Domestic Abuse Commissioner to investigate separate
payments as a default, and report back to Parliament.
Benefit advances
Labour would end the five week wait for the first Universal Credit payment. The
Government should immediately exempt domestic abuse survivors from having to
repay Universal Credit advance payments where the advance was made to enable
them to flee a violent situation.
Social security reform impact assessment
Access to social security is vital to ensure victims have the financial support they need
to escape and rebuild independent lives – no woman should have to choose between
poverty and safety. Labour would introduce a duty to assess the impact of any changes
to the social security system on survivors of domestic abuse before implementation.
24. Online
The internet is too often unsafe for women. Research by the WWW Foundation found
52% of young women and girls said they had experienced online abuse, including
threatening messages, sexual harassment and the sharing of private images without
consent, while 87% said they think the problem is getting worse.43
The UN warned last
year that ICT-facilitated violence has spread under the shadow pandemic of violence
against women.44
Traffic to the Revenge Porn Helpline doubled in the week beginning
23 March 2020, with 50% of cases linked to domestic violence.45
Black, Asian and ethnic
minority women are at especially high risk of online abuse.46
Channels for reporting abuse on social media platforms are often incomplete and non-
responsive. And while tech companies have developed some solutions like better
reporting flows for harassment, they need to be pushed to do more.
Online harms
Women and girls must feel safe online, as well as offline. At present, far too many face
daily attacks on social media: from offensive posts to threatening and unsolicited
sexually explicit messages. This not only causes harm, but also deters many women
from taking an active part in the public sphere. Tech companies have the power and
the technology to stop this abuse. We saw how quickly they could act when it came to
some of the disinformation surrounding coronavirus pandemic. The same urgency
must be applied to tackling content which contributes to the epidemic of misogyny.
However, tech firms have failed to take the necessary steps to do this on their own,
making the need for legislation long overdue.
The Conservative government claims to recognise this, but it has been painfully slow to
act when it comes to addressing online harms. They promised legislation as far back as
2017, but the Online Safety Bill, published in draft form in May 2021 is still unlikely to
come into force before 2023 at the earliest. Even worse is that the Conservatives have
watered down their plans to tackle abuse and hatred online. They no longer plan to
43
WWW Foundation, July 2020, https://webfoundation.org/2020/07/theres-a-pandemic-of-online-
violence-against-women-and-girls/
44
UN Women, Online and ICT facilitated VAWG during Covid-19, July 2020, https://www.unwomen.org/-
/media/headquarters/attachments/sections/library/publications/2020/brief-online-and-ict-facilitated-
violence-against-women-and-girls-during-covid-19-en.pdf?la=en&vs=2519
45
WWW Foundation submission to UN Online GBV review, July 2020,
http://webfoundation.org/docs/2020/07/WWWF-Submission-COVID-19-and-the-increase-of-domestic-
violence-against-women-1.pdf
46
https://glitchcharity.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/Glitch-The-Ripple-Effect-Report-COVID-19-
online-abuse.pdf
25. immediately introduce criminal sanctions for tech executives whose platforms enable
misogynistic abuse instead leaving that as a possibility to be introduced at a later date.
Labour would not be put off from introducing the laws necessary to keep women and
girls safe online. Through making misogyny a hate crime online, we will broaden the
net of unlawful behaviour. By introducing criminal sanctions immediately as a way of
changing the culture in social media companies, we will force executives to wake up. In
addition, Labour will explore ways to give users more control online - so theycan opt
out of interactions with accounts which are anonymous.
26. Conclusion
If our country is to be the best place in the world to grow up and grow old in, women
and girls must be secure at home, at work, in education, online and in their
communities. This is simply not the case for many in our country today. Our criminal
justice system is badly letting down women who have been victims of VAWG,
especially survivors of rape and sexual assault. Underfunded and over-stretched
support services are forced to turn away thousands of women each year. While the
social security system and civil courts can actively place barriers in front of women
seeking to leave their abuser. Across the country, women and girls face harassment
and abuse as they try to go about their daily lives, demonstrating how deeply engrained
misogynist attitudes are in our society.
Ending VAWG will require action across the whole of society. However Labour believes
the Government has a crucial role to play in galvanising that national effort by driving
forward a co-ordinated, cross-government response. After more than a decade in
Government, the Conservatives have shown themselves to be unwilling or unable to
provide a co-ordinated response. They have produced a myriad of strategies, reviews,
and short-term, stopgap policies, but the lived experience of women and girls in 2021
shows as a country we need to do much more. Good intentions must be backed up by
effective action and real accountability. This document sets out how Labour in
government will achieve both.
27. 14988_20 Reproduced from the Labour Party website, labour.org.uk. Promoted
by David Evans, General Secretary, the Labour Party, on behalf of the Labour
Party, both at Southside, 105 Victoria Street, London, SW1E 6QT.